Showing posts with label Economics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Economics. Show all posts

Saturday, February 28, 2015

కేంద్ర బడ్జెట్‌లో ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌కు కేటాయింపులు 2015-2016


కేంద్ర ఆర్థిక మంత్రి అరుణ్‌జైట్లీ 2015-16 బడ్జెట్‌ను పార్లమెంట్‌లో ప్రవేశపెట్టారు. బడ్జెట్‌లో ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌ రాష్ట్రానికి సంబంధించిన కేటాయింపులు ఇలా ఉన్నాయి.
* ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌కు ప్రత్యేక ఆర్థిక సాయం
* ఏపీలో ట్రిపుల్‌ ఐటీకీ రూ.45కోట్లు
* ఐఐఎస్‌సీఈఆర్‌కు రూ.40కోట్లు
* ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌ ఐఐటీకి రూ.40కోట్లు
* ఏపీలో నిట్‌కు రూ.40 కోట్లు
* ఐఐఎంకు రూ.40కోట్లు
* పోలవరం ప్రాజెక్టుకు రూ.100 కోట్లు
* విశాఖ మెట్రోకు రూ.5.63 కోట్లు
* విజయవాడ మెట్రో రూ.5.63 కోట్లు
* ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌ సెంట్రల్‌ యూనివర్సిటీకి రూ.కోటి
* గిరిజన విశ్వవిద్యాలయానికి రూ.2కోట్లు 
కేటాయించినట్లు జైట్లీ బడ్జెట్‌ ప్రసంగంలో పేర్కొన్నారు.


Saturday, February 7, 2015

Microeconomics



The notion of competition is very widely used in economics in general and in microeconomics in particular. Competition is also considered the basis for capitalist or free market economies. In standard usage of the term, competition may also imply certain virtues. Markets are the heart and soul of a capitalist economy, and varying degrees of competition lead to different market structures, with differing implications for the outcomes of the market place. This entry will discuss the following market structures that result from the successively declining degrees of competition in the market for a particular commodity. These elements are perfect competition, monopolistic competition, oligopoly, and monopoly. Based on the differing outcomes of different market structures, economists consider some market structures more desirable, from the point of view of the society, than others.

CHARACTERISTICS OF A MARKET
STRUCTURE

Each of the above mentioned market structures describes a particular organization of a market in which certain key characteristics differ. The characteristics are: (a) number of firms in the market, (b) control over the price of the relevant product, (c) type of the product sold in the market, (d) barriers to new firms entering the market, and (e) existence of nonprice competition in the market. Each of these characteristics is briefly discussed below.

NUMBER OF FIRMS IN THE MARKET.

The number of firms in the market supplying the particular product under consideration forms an important basis for classifying market structures. The number of firms in an industry, according to economists, determines the extent of competition in the industry. Both in perfect competition and monopolistic competition, there are large numbers of firms or suppliers. Each of these firms supplies only a small portion of the total output for the industry. In oligopoly, there are only a few (presumably more than two) suppliers of the product. When there are only two sellers of the product, the market structure is often called duopoly. Monopoly is the extreme case where there is only one seller of the product in the market.

CONTROL OVER PRODUCT PRICE.

The extent to which an individual firm exercises control over the price of the product it sells is another important characteristic of a market structure. Under perfect competition, an individual firm has no control over the price of the product it sells. A firm under monopolistic competition or oligopoly has some control over the price of the product it sells. Finally, a monopoly firm is deemed to have considerable control over the price of its product.

TYPE OF THE PRODUCT SOLD IN THE MARKET.

The extent to which products of different firms in the industry can be differentiated is also a characteristic that is used in classifying market structures. Under perfect competition, all firms in the industry sell identical products. In other words, no firm can differentiate its product from those of other firms in the industry. There is some product differentiation under monopolistic competition—the firms in the industry are assumed to produce somewhat different products. Under an oligopolistic market structure, firms may produce differentiated or identical products. Finally, in the case of a monopoly, product differentiation is not truly an issue, as there is only one firm—there are no other firms from whom it should differentiate its product.

BARRIERS TO NEW FIRMS ENTERING THE MARKET.

The difficulty or ease with which new firms can enter the market for a product is also a characteristic of market structures. New firms can enter market structures classified as perfect competition or monopolistic competition relatively easily. In these cases, barriers to entry are considered low, as only a small investment may be required to enter the market. In oligopoly, barriers to entry is considered very high—huge amounts of investment, determined by the very nature of the product and the production process, are needed to enter these markets. Once again, monopoly constitutes the extreme case where the entry of new firms is blocked, usually by law. If for whatever reasons, new firms are allowed to enter a monopolistic market structure, it can no longer be termed a monopoly.

EXISTENCE OF NON-PRICE COMPETITION.

Market structures also differ to the extent that firms in industry compete with each other on the basis of non-price factors, such as, differences in product characteristics and advertising. There is no non-price competition under perfect competition. Firms under monopolistic competition make considerable use of instruments of non-price competition. Oligopolistic firms also make heavy use of non-price competition, Finally, while a monopolist also utilizes instruments of non-price competition, such as advertising, these are not designed to compete with other firms, as there are no other firms in the monopolist's industry.
We now turn to discussing each of the four market forms mentioned at the beginning, in light of the preceding characteristics used to classify market structures. The discussion that follows also provides additional details about the four market structures.

PERFECT COMPETITION

Perfect competition is an idealized version of market structure that provides a foundation for understanding how markets work in a capitalist economy. The other market structures can also be understood better when perfect competition is used as a standard of reference. Even so, perfect competition is not ordinarily well understood by the general public. For example, when business people speak of intense competition in the market for a product, they are, in all likelihood, referring to rival suppliers, about whom they have quite a bit of information. However, when economists refer to perfect competition, they are particularly referring to the impersonal nature of this market structure. The impersonality of the market organization is due to the existence of a large number of suppliers of the product—there are so many suppliers in the industry that no firm views another supplier as a competitor. Thus, the competition under perfect competition is impersonal.
To understand the nature of competition under the perfectly competitive market form, one should briefly examine the three conditions that are necessary before a market structure is considered "perfectly competitive." These are: homogeneity of the product sold in the industry, existence of many buyers and sellers, and perfect mobility of resources or factors of production. Homogeneity of product means that the product sold by any one seller in the market is identical to the product sold by any other supplier. The homogeneity of product has an important implication for the market: if products of different sellers are identical, buyers do not care who they buy from, so long as the price is also the same. While the first condition of a perfect market sounds extreme, it is, in fact, met in markets for many products. Wheat and corn are good examples. Wheat and corn produced by different farmers is essentially the same, and can thus be considered identical.
The second condition, existence of many buyers and sellers, again leads to an important outcome. When there is a large number of buyers or sellers, each individual buyer or seller is so small relative to the entire market that he or she does not have any power to influence the price of the product under consideration. As a result, whether a person is a buyer or a seller, he or she must accept the market price. All buyers and sellers in the market are effectively price takers, not price makers. The market as a whole establishes product prices, and individual buyers or sellers simply decide how much to buy or sell at the given market price. The third condition, perfect mobility of resources, requires that all factors of production (resources used in the production process) can be readily switched from one use to another. Furthermore, it is required that all buyers, sellers, and owners of resources have full knowledge of all relevant technological and economic data. The implication of the third condition is that resources move to the most profitable industry.
No industry in the world (now or in the past) satisfies all three conditions stipulated above fully. Thus, no industry in the world can be considered perfectly competitive in the strictest sense of the term. However, there are token examples of industries that come quite close to being a perfectly competitive market. Some markets for agricultural commodities, while not meeting all three conditions, come reasonably close to being characterized as perfectly competitive markets. The market for wheat, for example, can be considered a reasonable approximation. The wheat market is characterized by an almost homogenous product, and it has a large number of buyers and sellers. It thus satisfies the first two conditions fairly well. However, it is difficult to assert that resources employed in the wheat industry are perfectly mobile.
Despite the fact that no industry is truly perfectly competitive, it is still worthwhile to study perfect competition as a market structure. Conclusions derived from the study of the idealized version of perfect competition are often helpful in explaining behavior in the real world.

THE ECONOMICS OF PERFECT COMPETITION.

The study of the idealized version of perfect competition leads to some important conclusions regarding solutions to key economic problems, such as quantity of the relevant product produced, price charged, the mechanism of adjustment in the industry.
As mentioned earlier, under perfect competition, an individual supplier of the product has to take the market price as given. Given this price, the supplier determines how much to produce and sell. The quantity he or she decides to produce is the quantity that maximizes profit for the firm (more technically, where marginal cost of producing the product equals the market price of the product). The total production of all firms in the industry determines the market supply of the product under consideration. This market supply of the product, in conjunction with the total demand for the product by all consumers, determines the market price. Thus, while an individual buyer or seller is a price taker, the collective decisions affect the market price. Since the consumers of the product receive a price that is equal to the cost of production (on the margin), it is argued that consumers are treated fairly under perfect competition.
In addition, the total output produced under perfect competition is larger than, for example, under monopoly. To understand this, we should look at the mechanics of maximizing profit, the guiding force behind a supplier's output decision. In order to maximize profits, a supplier has to look at cost and revenue. Usually, it is assumed that a supplier's marginal cost (the cost of producing an additional unit of the product under consideration) rises ultimately. The producer then, in making the output decision, must compare the cost of producing an additional unit of the product with the revenue the sale of that additional unit (called the marginal revenue) brings to the firm. So long as the marginal revenue from the sale exceeds the marginal cost, there is a gain from producing that additional unit—the unit adds more to revenue (proceeds) than to costs. The supplier will continue producing while the process is profitable (i.e., it increases profits or reduces loss). The firm will stop production where marginal revenue equals marginal cost—this output level maximizes profits (or minimizes loss). In the case of a perfectly competitive firm, the market price for the product is also the marginal revenue. Since the firm is a price taker and supplies an insignificant portion of the total market supply of the product, it can sell as many units of the product as it desires at the going price. We will later show that this is not the case with a monopolist, for example. A monopolist stops production of the product before reaching the point where marginal cost of the product equals the market price of the product.

THE DESIRABILITY OF PERFECT COMPETITION.

Perfect competition is considered desirable for society for at least two reasons. First, the price charged to individuals equals the marginal cost of production to each firm. In other words, one can say sellers charge buyers a reasonable or fair price. Second, in general, output produced under a perfectly competitive market structure is larger than other market organizations. Thus, perfect competition becomes desirable also for the amount of the product supplied to consumers as a whole.
These are two reasons why a capitalist society adores the virtues of perfect competition. In fact, to maintain a reasonable amount of competition in a market is generally considered a goal of government regulatory policies. No single firm dominates the market under perfect competition; this parallels the status of an individual citizen in a democracy, a widely practiced form of government in capitalist countries.

MONOPOLISTIC COMPETITION

As pointed out above, industries in the real world rarely satisfy the stringent conditions necessary to qualify as perfectly competitive market structures. The world in which we live is invariably characterized by competition of lesser degrees than stipulated by perfect competition. Many industries that we often deal with have market structures that are monopolistic competition or oligopoly. Apparel retail stores (with many stores and differentiated products) provide an example of monopolistic competition.

MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF MONOPOLISTIC COMPETITION.

As in the case of perfect competition, monopolistic competition is characterized by the existence of many sellers. Usually, if an industry has 50 or more firms (producing products that are close substitutes of each other), it is said to have a large number of firms. However, the number of firms must be large enough that each firm in the industry can expect its actions go unnoticed by rival firms.
Unlike perfect competition, the sellers under monopolistic competition differentiate competitive product. In other words, the products of these firms are not considered identical. It is, in fact, immaterial whether these products are actually different or simply perceived to be so. So long as consumers treat them as different products, they satisfy one of the characteristics of monopolistic competition. This product differentiation is considered a key attribute of monopolistic competition. In many U.S. markets, producers practice product differentiation by altering the physical composition, using special packaging, or simply claiming to have superior products based on brand images and/or advertising. Toothpastes and toilet papers are examples of differentiated products.
In addition to the existence of a large number of firms and product differentiation, relative ease of entry into the industry is considered another important requirement of a monopolistically competitive market organization. Also, there should be no collusion among firms in the industry, like price fixing or agreements regarding the market shares of individual companies. With the large number of firms that monopolistic competition requires, collusion is generally difficult, though not impossible.
The above mentioned characteristics of monopolistic competition basically yield a market form that is very competitive, but probably not to the extent of perfect competition.

THE ECONOMICS OF MONOPOLISTIC COMPETITION.

As in the case of perfect competition, a firm under monopolistic competition decides about the quantity of the product produced on the basis of the profit maximization principle—it produces the quantity that maximizes the firm's profit. Also, conditions of profit maximization remain the same—the firm stops production where marginal revenue equals marginal cost of production. But unlike perfect competition, a firm under monopolistic competition has some control over the price it charges, as the firm differentiates its products from those of others. However, this price making power of a monopolistically competitive firm is rather small, since there are a large number of other firms in the industry with somewhat similar products. Remember that a perfectly competitive firm has no price making power—each firm is a price taker, as it produces a product identical to those produced by a large number of other firms in the industry.
An important consequence of the price making power of a monopolistically competitive firm is that when such a firm reduces price, it can attract customers buying other "brands" of the product. The opposite is also true when the firm increases the price it charges for its product. Because of this, price charged for a product is different from the marginal revenue for the product (marginal revenue refers to the increase in total revenue as a result of selling one more unit of the product under consideration). To understand this, consider, for example, that a firm reduces the price for its product. The firm must now sell all units at this lower price. Because the lower price applies to all units sold, not just the last or the marginal unit, price for the product is higher than the marginal revenue at each level of sale. It should be noted that as there are a large number of firms under monopolistic competition, individual firms in the industry are not appreciably affected by a particular firm's behavior.
As mentioned above, a monopolistically competitive firm stops production where marginal revenue equals marginal cost of production—the output level that maximizes its profits (often called the equilibrium output for the firm).

THE DESIRABILITY OF MONOPOLISTIC COMPETITION.

Aforementioned profit maximizing behavior of a monopolistically competitive firm implies that now the price associated with the product (at the equilibrium or the profit maximizing output) is higher than marginal cost (which equals marginal revenue). Thus, the production under monopolistic competition does not take place to the point where price equals marginal cost of production. Remember that, with increased production, price charged (which is higher than marginal revenue at every level of output) is successively falling while the marginal cost of production is rising. Therefore, if a monopolistically competitive firm were to stop production where price is equal to marginal cost (a condition met under a perfectly competitive market structure), output produced would be greater than when it stops production where marginal revenue equals marginal cost (its profit maximizing output). The net result of the profit maximizing decisions of monopolistically competitive firms is that price charged under monopolistic competition is higher than under perfect competition. In addition, quantity of the commodity produced under monopolistic competition is simultaneously lower. Thus, both on the basis of price charged and output produced, monopolistic competition is less socially desirable than perfect competition.

OLIGOPOLY

Oligopoly is a fairly common market organization. In the United States, both the steel and auto industries (with three or so large firms) provide good examples of oligopolistic market structures.

MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF OLIGOPOLY.

An important characteristic of an oligopolistic market structure is the interdependence of firms in the industry. The interdependence, actual or perceived, arises from the small number of firms in the industry. However, unlike monopolistic competition, if an oligopolistic firm changes its price or output, it has perceptible effects on the sales and profits of its competitors in the industry. Thus, an oligopolist firm always considers the reactions of its rivals in formulating its pricing or output decisions.
There are huge, though not insurmountable, barriers to entering an oligopolistic market. These barriers can involve large financial requirements, availability of raw materials, access to the relevant technology, or simply patent rights of the firms currently in the industry. Several industries in the United States provide good examples of oligopolistic market structures with obvious barriers to entry. The U.S. auto industry provides an example of a market where financial barriers to entry exist. In order to efficiently operate an automobile plant, one needs upward of half a billion dollars of initial investment. The steel industry in the United States, on the other hand, provides an example of an oligopoly where barriers to entry have been created by the ownership of raw materials needed for producing the product. In this industry, a few huge firms own most of the available iron ore, a necessary raw material for steel production.
An oligopolistic industry is also typically characterized by economies of scale. Economies of scale in production imply that as the level of production rises the cost per unit of product falls for the use of any plant (generally, up to a point). Thus, economies of scale lead to an obvious advantage for a large producer. Once again, the automobile industry provides an example of a market structure where firms experience economies of scale. It should be noted that there may exist economies of scale in promotion just as there exist economies of scale in production. In the automobile industry, the promotion cost per unit of product falls as sales increase since promotion costs rise less than proportionately to sales.

ECONOMICS AND DESIRABILITY OF OLIGOPOLY.

There is no single theoretical framework that provides answers to output and pricing decisions under an oligopolistic market structure. Analyses exist only for special sets of circumstances. For example, if an oligopolistic firm cuts its price, it is met with price reductions by competing firms; however, if it raises the price of its product, rivals do not match the price increase. For this reason, prices may remain stable in an oligopolistic industry for a prolonged period of time.
It is hard to make concrete statements regarding price charged and quantity produced under oligopoly. However, from the point of view of the society, one can say that an oligopolistic market structure provides a fair degree of competition in the market place if the oligopolists in the market do not collude. Collusion occurs if firms in the industry agree to set price and/or quantity. In the United States, there are laws that make collusion illegal.

MONOPOLY

Monopoly can be considered the opposite of perfect competition. It is a market form in which there is only one seller. While at first glance a monopoly may appear to be a rare market structure, it is not so. Several industries in the United State have monopolies. Some utility companies provide examples of a monopolist.

CAUSES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF MONOPOLY.

There are many factors that give rise to a monopoly. For example, in the United States the inventor of an item has the exclusive right to produce that product for 17 years. Thus, a monopoly can exist in an industry because a patent was obtained for a product by its inventor. The United Shoe Machinery Company held such a monopoly in certain important shoe making equipment until 1954, when the monopoly was broken under the antitrust laws. A monopoly can also arise if a company owns the entire supply of a necessary material needed to produce a product. The Aluminum Company of America exercised such power until 1945, when its monopoly was also broken under provisions of the antitrust laws. A monopoly can be legally created by a government agency when it sells a market franchise a particular product or service. Often a monopoly so established is also regulated by the appropriate government agency. Provision of local telephone service in the United States provides an example of such a monopoly. Finally, a monopoly may arise due to declining cost of production for a particular product. In such a case the average cost of production falls and reaches a minimum at an output level that is sufficient to satisfy the entire market. In such an industry, rival firms will be eliminated until only the strongest firm (now the monopolist) is left in the market. This is often called a case of natural monopoly. A good example of a natural monopoly is the electricity industry. The electric power industry reaps benefits of economies of scale and yields decreasing average cost. A natural monopoly is usually regulated by the government.

THE ECONOMICS OF MONOPOLY.

Generally speaking, price and output decisions of a monopolist are similar to those of a monopolistically competitive firm, with the major distinction of a large number of firms under monopolistic competition and only one firm under monopoly. Thus, one may technically say that there is no competition under monopoly. This is not strictly true, as even a monopolist is threatened by indirect and potential competition. Like monopolistic competition, a monopolistic firm also maximizes its profits by producing up to the point where marginal revenue equals marginal cost. As the monopolist is a price maker and can increase the amount of sales by lowering the price, a monopolist does not lure consumers away from rivals, rather he or she induces them to buy more. Nevertheless, at any output level, the price charged by a monopolist is higher than the marginal revenue. As a result, a monopolist also does not produce to the point where price equals marginal cost (a condition met under a perfectly competitive market structure).

DESIRABILITY OF MONOPOLY.

An industry characterized by a monopolistic market structure produces less output and charges higher prices than under perfect competition (and presumably under monopolistic competition). Thus, on the basis of price charged and quantity produced, a monopoly is less desirable socially. However, a natural monopoly is generally considered desirable if the monopolist's price behavior can be regulated.


Wednesday, November 5, 2014

తెలంగాణ రాష్ట్ర తొలి బడ్జెట్ ను ఆర్థిక మంత్రి ఈటెల రాజేందర్ : బడ్జెట్ ప్రధాన అంశాలు


తెలంగాణ రాష్ట్ర తొలి బడ్జెట్ ను ఆర్థిక మంత్రి ఈటెల రాజేందర్ బుధవారం శాసనసభలో ప్రవేశపెట్టారు.

బడ్జెట్ ప్రధాన అంశాలు :

* తెలంగాణ జర్నలిస్టుల భవన్ కు కి రూ.10 కోట్లు కేటాయింపు
*  ఆటోలపై రవాణా పన్ను రద్దు
* బలహీన వర్గాలకు ఇళ్ల నిర్మాణానికి ఒక్కో ఇంటికి మూడున్నర లక్షల కేటాయింపు
* దీపం పథకానికి రూ.100 కోట్లు
*దళితుల భూపంపిణీకి రూ.1000 కోట్లు
* సాంస్కృతిక, క్రీడారంగానికి రూ.1000 కోట్లు

*విద్యాశాఖలోని అన్ని విభాగాలకు రూ.10,956 కోట్లు కేటాయింపు
*వ్యవసాయం, రుణమాఫీ కోసం ఇప్పటికే రూ.4,250 కోట్లు కేటాయింపు
*మిగతా నిధులను వచ్చే మూడేళ్లలో దశలవారీగా చెల్లింపు
*ఇన్ పుట్ సబ్సిడీ రూ.480 కోట్లు ఇప్పటికే చెల్లింపు
* ఉద్యానవన శాఖకు రూ.250 కోట్లు కేటాయింపు
* వ్యవసాయ రంగంలో యంత్రీకరణకు రూ.100 కోట్లు

* వికలాంగుల పెన్షన్ ను రూ.500 నుంచి 1500లకు పెంపు
* వృద్ధులు, వితంతువుల పెన్షన్ రూ.200 నుంచి రూ.1000 పెంపు
* మహిళా శిశు సంక్షేమానికి రూ.221 కోట్లు, ఐసిడీఎస్ పథకానికి రూ.1103 కోట్లు
* బీసీల సంక్షేమానికి రూ.2022 కోట్లు, మైనార్టీల సంక్షేమానికి రూ.1030 కోట్లు
* ఎస్సీల సబ్ ప్లాన్ కు రూ.7579 కోట్లు, ఎస్టీల సబ్ ప్లాన్ కు రూ.4559 కోట్లు
* 2014-19 వరకు ఎస్సీల అభివృద్ధి కోసం రూ.50 వేల కోట్లు ఖర్చు చేయాలని ప్రభుత్వ లక్ష్యం
* కళ్యాణ లక్ష్మీ (ఎస్సీ) పథకానికి రూ.150 కోట్లు, కళ్యాణ లక్ష్మీ (ఎస్టీ) పథకానికి రూ.80కోట్లు కేటాయింపు
* మైనార్టీలకు (షాదీ ముబారక్) రూ.100 కోట్లు

* రహదారుల అభివృద్ధికి రూ.10వేల కోట్లు, మండల కేంద్రాల నుంచి జిల్లాలకు డబుల్ రోడ్లకు రూ.400 కోట్లు
* ఈ ఏడాది 9వేల చెరువులకు రూ.2వేల కోట్ల కేటాయింపు
*తెలంగాణలో దెబ్బతిన్న 45వేల చెరువులను పునరుద్ధరిస్తాం
* తెలంగాణ 10 జిల్లాల్లో తలసరి ఆదాయం ఒక్కోచోట ఒక్కోలా ఉంది
* 50 ఏళ్లుగా తెలంగాణపై చేసిన పరోక్ష పెత్తనం... ఈప్రాంతాన్ని వెనుకబడేలా చేసింది

* విద్యుత్ రంగానికి మొత్తం రూ.3241 కోట్లు
* ఒక్కో అసెంబ్లీ నియోజకవర్గ అభివృద్ధికి రూ.కోటిన్నర, మొత్తం రూ.234 కోట్ల కేటాయింపు
* వచ్చే అయిదేళ్లలో 20వేల మెగావాట్ల విద్యుత్ ఉత్పాదన లక్ష్యం
* ఎన్టీపీసీ ద్వారా అదనంగా 4వేల మెగావాట్ల విద్యుత్ ఉత్పత్తికి ఏర్పాట్లు
* 6వేల మెగావాట్ల విద్యుత్ ఉత్పాదన కోసం జెన్ కోలో రూ.1000 కోట్ల పెట్టుబడి

*రూ.లక్షా 637 కోట్ల 10 నెలలకు బడ్జెట్ ప్రవేశపెట్టిన ఈటెల రాజేందర్
*ప్రణాళిక వ్యయం రూ.48, 648 కోట్లు
*ప్రణాళికేతర వ్యయం రూ.51,989 కోట్లు
*రెవెన్యూ మిగులు అంచనా రూ.301 కోట్లు
*ఆర్థిక లోటు అంచనా రూ.17,398 కోట్లు

* రహదారుల అభివృద్ధికి 10వేల కోట్లు
* రైతులకు సోలార్ పంపు సెట్ల కోసం రూ.200 కోట్లు
*గృహ నిర్మాణం 1000 కోట్లు
* వాటర్ గ్రిడ్ లకు రూ.2వేల కోట్ల కేటాయింపు
* నిర్మాణంలో ఉన్న ప్రాజెక్టులు పూర్తి చేస్తాం
* 459మంది అమరవీరుల ఒక్కో కుటుంబానికి రూ.10లక్షల ఆర్థిక సాయం
* పథకాల అమలులో అవినీతికి అడ్డుకట్ట వేసేందుకే సమగ్ర సర్వే

* నల్లగొండ జిల్లా ప్రజలకు ఫ్లోరైడ్ శాపంగా మారింది
* బంగారు తెలంగాణ లక్ష్యంగా బడ్జెట్ రూపకల్పన
* ఉద్యమ భవిష్యత్ అందించేలా బడ్జెట్
* ఈ బడ్జెట్ పది నెలలకు సంబంధించినది మాత్రమే
* అన్నివర్గాల అభివృద్ధే టీఆర్ఎస్ ప్రభుత్వ లక్ష్యం
* అమరవీరులకు పరిహారం కోసం బడ్జెట్ లో రూ.100 కోట్లు

Wednesday, May 28, 2014

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Monday, May 26, 2014

Indian Currency



Currency System From The Ancient Times To The British Period
Ever since the dawn of civilization, man has been trading with each other. In the ancient times when there was no concept of money, people used barter system. In this system goods were exchanged with each other instead of paying money. Gradually, with development, metals were used to cast coins.

In India, during the rule of the slave dynasty, silver coins known as tanka and copper coins known as jintal were introduced by Iltutmish. During his brief rule, Sher Shah Suri introduced a silver coin known as Rupiya. Mughal coinage highlighted originality and innovative skills. Earliest issues of paper rupees were by Bank of Hindustan (1770-1832) and Bengal Bank (1784-91). During the British rule, and even in the first decade of independence, rupee was divided into 16 annas, which was divided into 4 paisa.

Currency System After Independence

Pre Decimal Issues (1950 - 57)
The first coins were introduced in 1950's. They were 1 paisa, 1/2, 1 and 2 annas, 1/4, 1/2 and 1 rupee denominations.

Decimal Issues (1957 - till date)
The first decimal issues of India consisted of 1,2,5,10,25 and 50 paisa along with 1 rupee. The 1 naya paisa was made of bronze while the 2, 5 and 10 naya paisa was of cupro-nickel. The 25 and 50 naya paisa and the 1 rupee were made of nickel. In 1964, the term naya was eliminated from all coins. In 1964 and 1967, aluminum 1,2,3,5 and 10 paisa were introduced.

In 1968, nickel brass 20 paisa was introduced which was replaced by aluminum coins in 1982. In 1982, cupro nickel 2 rupee coins were introduced. In 1988, stainless steel 10, 25 and 50 paisa were introduced, followed by 1 rupee coins in 1992. In 1992 5 rupee coins were also introduced.

Bank Notes Before Independence
The Reserve bank of India began production of notes in 1938, issuing 2, 5,10,1000 rupee notes, while the government of India continued to issue 1 rupee notes.

Bank Notes After Independence
After independence the government introduced new designs in bank notes. In 1970s, 20 and 50 rupee notes were introduced. In 1987, 500 rupee note was reintroduced followed by 1000 rupee in 2000. The language panel on the Indian rupee banknotes has 15 of the 22 national languages of India.

Demographics Of Currently Circulating Notes


Value Dimension Colour Reverse Date of Issue
Rs. 5 117 × 63 mm Green Tractor 2002
Rs. 10 137 × 63 mm Orange-violet Rhinoceros, elephant, tiger 1996
Rs. 20 147 × 63 mm Red-orange Palm trees 2002
Rs. 50 147 × 73 mm Violet Parliament of India 1997
Rs. 100 157 × 73 mm Blue-green at center brown
purple at 2 sides
Himalaya Mountains 1996
Rs. 1000 177 × 73 mm Pink Economy of India 2002

Convertibility
The Indian Currency has a market determined by the exchange rates. The Reserve Bank of India trades actively in the INR/USD to have effective rates.


State Bank Of India



The History of State Bank Of India dates back to the first decade of the nineteenth century with the setting up of Bank of Calcutta in Calcutta on 2 June 1806.After three years it was renamed as Bank Of Bengal (2 January 1809).On 15th April 1840, the Bank Of Bombay was initiated and on 1st July 1843, the the Bank of Madras was established. The integration of the three banks resulted in the creation of Imperial Bank of India on 27th January 1921.

Structure and Organization
The Banks Corporate Office is located at Mumbai. Its domestic operational area is divided into 14 Circles, each with one Local Head Office and a few Zonal and Regional Offices. The Bank is present not just in the major metropolises of India but has wide reach in the villages of India. The Bank's top management consists of the Chairman, group executives for National Banking Group, Corporate Banking Group, International Banking Group and Associates & Subsidiaries, and four staff functionaries in charge of finance, credit, human resources & technology management and inspection & audit.

Three Strategic Business Units (SBUs) under the Corporate Banking Group have been set up by SBI to pay attention to big corporate customers. Distinguishing features of the SBUs are assimilation of operational planning with operations within each SBU, an alert delivery system with suitable specialist inputs and focused attention on profitability.

The staff and functionaries at various levels have been delegated higher financial powers to ensure quicker decision making in credit areas and disposal of a large number of credit proposals at operating units' level. A committee approach has been adopted, both at the apex and circle levels, for sanction of large advances and loans. Keeping this in mind Central Office Credit Committee and Circle Credit Committees have been set up to ultimately ensure faster delivery. Credit and systemic risk processes have thus accordingly been restructured. Simplified and concise credit appraisal formats have been designed to ensure improvement in the quality of credit decisions, better quality of assets and reduction of Non Performing Assets or NPAs.

Transformation In SBI

The SBI has undergone major transformation in the recent years. The bank has ventured into new areas of business like Pension Funds, General Insurance, Custodial Services, Private Equity, Mobile Banking, Point Of Sale, Merchant Acquisition, Advisory Services, and Structured Products etc. The bank forsees tremendous growth potential in all these areas.

The bank has made forays into the rural banking with state of the art technology. The bank has outlaid an ambitious plan to expand rural banking to 100,000 villages in the next few years.

The bank has ambitious plans to focus on the high end market to support India's increasing mid/large Corporate with a wide range of products and services. The bank is consolidating its global treasury operations and diversifying into structured products and derivative instruments. At present SBI provides the largest amount of infrastructure debt and the bank is the largest provider of commercial borrowings in the country.SBI is a Fortune 500 company.

The Bank is in the process of expanding its base overseas. Currently it has 82 offices abroad spread over 32 countries. The seven subsidiaries of SBI are SBI Capital Markets, SBICAP Securities, SBI DFHI, SBI Factors, SBI Life and SBI Cards.

Thursday, July 25, 2013

Jawahar Rozgar Yojana - JRY




Jawahar Rozgar Yojna was launched on April 1, 1989 by merging National Rural Employment Program (NREP) and Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme (RLEGP). At the end of Seventh Five Year Plan
So this was a consolidation of the previous employment programs and it was largest National Employment Program of India at that time with a general objective of providing 90-100 Days Employment per person particularly in backward districts. People below Poverty Line were main targets.
The Yojna was implemented on rural scale. Every village was to be covered through Panchayati Raj Institutions. The village got aide and support from District Rural Development Authority. Expenditures were born by central & state in 80:20 ratios.
Since 1993-94 the Yojna was made more targets oriented and expanded substantially through increased budgetary allocations. It was divided into 3 streams:
First Stream: Comprising general works under JRY and also two sub schemes Indira Awas Yojna and Million Wells Scheme. This stream got 75% of the total allocation. In Indira Awas Yojna the allocation was increased from 6% to 10 % and in Million Wells Scheme from 20% to 30 % during that period.
Second Stream: This was also called intensified JRY and was implemented in selected 120 backward districts. It got 20% allocation.
Third Stream: This was left with 5 % allocation for Innovative programs which included Prevention of labor migration, drought proofing watershed etc. programs.
Since April 1, 1999 this Yojna was replaced by Jawahar Gram samridhi Yojna. Later from September 25, 2001, Jawahar Gram Samridhi Yojna was merged with Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojna

Friday, July 5, 2013

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Sunday, June 3, 2012

Globalization


Teachers may want to have the students read this introduction before they read the essays on "Globalization" to provide a basic understanding of the concepts included therein.
"Globalization" is a term that came into popular usage in the 1980's to describe the increased movement of people, knowledge and ideas, and goods and money across national borders that has led to increased interconnectedness among the world's populations, economically, politically, socially and culturally. Although globalization is often thought of in economic terms (i.e., "the global marketplace"), this process has many social and political implications as well. Many in local communities associate globalization with modernization (i.e., the transformation of "traditional" societies into "Western" industrialized ones). At the global level, globalization is thought of in terms of the challenges it poses to the role of governments in international affairs and the global economy.
There are heated debates about globalization and its positive and negative effects. While globalization is thought of by many as having the potential to make societies richer through trade and to bring knowledge and information to people around the world, there are many others who perceive globalization as contributing to the exploitation of the poor by the rich, and as a threat to traditional cultures as the process of modernization changes societies. There are some who link the negative aspects of globalization to terrorism. To put a complicated discussion in simple terms, they argue that exploitative or declining conditions contribute to the lure of informal "extremist" networks that commit criminal or terrorist acts internationally. And thanks to today's technology and integrated societies, these networks span throughout the world. It is in this sense that terrorism, too, is "globalized." The essays in this section address some of the complex questions associated with globalization in light of September 11. Before moving to these essays, consider the discussion below about some of the economic, political, social and cultural manifestations of globalization.

Economic manifestations of globalization

Increasingly over the past two centuries, economic activity has become more globally oriented and integrated. Some economists argue that it is no longer meaningful to think in terms of national economies; international trade has become central to most local and domestic economies around the world.
Among the major industrial economies, sometimes referred to as the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, 65 percent of the total economic production, or GDP, is associated with international trade. Economists project that, in the U.S., more than 50 percent of the new jobs created in this decade will be directly linked to the global economy.
The recent focus on the international integration of economies is based on the desirability of a free global market with as few trade barriers as possible, allowing for true competition across borders.
International economic institutions, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), facilitate this increasingly barrier-free flow of goods, services, and money (capital) internationally. Regionally, too, organizations like the North America Free Trade Association (NAFTA), the European Union (EU), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) work towards economic integration within their respective geographical regions.
Many economists assess economic globalization as having a positive impact, linking increased economic transactions across national borders to increased world GDP, and opportunities for economic development. Still, the process is not without its critics, who consider that many of the economies of the industrial North (i.e., North America, Europe, East Asia) have benefited from globalization, while in the past two decades many semi- and non-industrial countries of the geo-political South (i.e., Africa, parts of Asia, and Central and South America) have faced economic downturns rather than the growth promised by economic integration. Critics assert that these conditions are to a significant extent the consequence of global restructuring which has benefited Northern economies while disadvantaging Southern economies. Others voice concern that globalization adversely affects workers and the environment in many countries around the world.
Discontent with the perceived disastrous economic and social manifestations of globalization has led to large and growing demonstrations at recent intergovernmental meetings, including meetings of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the Group of Eight (G8) leading industrial countries.

Political manifestations of globalization

Globalization has impacts in the political arena, but there is not a consensus among social scientists about the nature and degree of its impact on national and international politics. Some political scientists argue that globalization is weakening nation-states and that global institutions gradually will take over the functions and power of nation-states. Other social scientists believe that while increased global inter-connectivity will result in dramatic changes in world politics, particularly in international relations (i.e., the way states relate to each other), the nation-state will remain at the center of international political activity.
Political theorists and historians often link the rise of the modern nation-state (in Europe and North America in the nineteenth century and in Asia and Africa in the twentieth century) with industrialization and the development of modern capitalist and socialist economies. These scholars also assert that the administrative structures and institutions of the modern nation-state were in part responsible for the conditions that led to industrial expansion. Moreover, industrial development brought with it social dislocations that necessitated state intervention in the form of public education and social "safety nets" for health care, housing, and other social services. Consequently, the development of the contemporary nation-state, nationalism, inter-state alliances, colonization, and the great wars of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were in part political manifestations of changes in the structure of economic production.
It follows from this argument that in the era of globalization, with its significant changes in global economic relations, the nineteenth and twentieth century model of the nation-state may become obsolete. The economic orientation of the modern nation-state has been centered on national economic interests, which may often conflict with the global trend towards the free and rapid movement of goods, services, finance, and labor. These processes give rise to the question of whether the modern nation-state can survive in its present form in the new global age. Is it adaptable, or will it gradually be replaced by emerging multinational or regional political entities?
Changes in political structure and practices resulting from economic globalization are only a partial explanation of changes in world politics in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. International relations and world politics in the second half of the twentieth century were strongly informed by another global factor - the Cold War (i.e., the ideological struggle between the Western nations, the United States and its allies, and the Eastern Bloc, the Soviet Union and China and their allies). The early and most intense years of the Cold War in the 1950s and 1960s coincided with the de-colonization of Asia and Africa and the creation of more than 70 new nation-states. Many of the new nation-states of Africa and Asia had based their struggle for independence on the principles of freedom, justice and liberty - principles espoused by both the Eastern and Western blocks. The economic, political, and ideological competition between East and West had fertile ground in these newly independent nation-states. Although the "cold war" never developed into a "hot war" of actual military conflict in Europe or North America, civil wars within and wars between new nation-states in Africa and Asia were fueled and supported by Cold War tensions. Major conflicts in Korea, Vietnam, Congo, Angola, Mozambique, and Somalia are examples of regional conflicts that were fueled by the Cold War.
To some experts, the demise of the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc a decade ago promised a new era of world peace and increased openness. The processes of globalization accelerated as goods, ideas and people flowed more freely across borders in the post-Cold War political environment. In place of policies of containment, the international community fostered policies of openness to trade and based on the principles of democracy and rights.
With such increased openness, multilateral organizations, and in particular the United Nations (UN), have changed their focus from maintaining the balance of power between the East and West to a more global approach to peacekeeping/peace-building, development, environmental protection, protection of human rights, and the maintenance of the rule of law internationally. The creation of legal institutions like the international criminal tribunals that have sprung up in the past decade, as well as the proliferation of major international conferences aiming to address global problems through international cooperation, have been referred to as proof of political globalization. Still, since all of these institutions rely on the participation of nation-states and respect the fundamental principle of national sovereignty, the extent to which these institutions exhibit true political globalization continues to be debated.

Social and cultural manifestations of globalization

Though there are many social and cultural manifestations of globalization, here are some of the major ones:
  • Informational services: The past two decades have seen an internationalization of information services involving the exponential expansion of computer-based communication through the Internet and electronic mail. On the one hand, the electronic revolution has promoted the diversification and democratization of information as people in nearly every country are able to communicate their opinions and perspectives on issues, local and global, that impact their lives. Political groups from Chiapas to Pakistan have effectively used information technology to promote their perspectives and movements. On the other hand, this expansion of information technology has been highly uneven, creating an international "digital divide" (i.e., differences in access to and skills to use Internet and other information technologies due predominantly to geography and economic status). Often, access to information technology and to telephone lines in many developing countries is controlled by the state or is available only to a small minority who can afford them..
  • News services: In recent years there has been a significant shift in the transmission and reporting of world news with the rise of a small number of global news services. This process has been referred to as the "CNN-ization of news," reflecting the power of a few news agencies to construct and disseminate news. Thanks to satellite technology, CNN and its few competitors extend their reach to even the most geographically remote areas of the world. This raises some important questions of globalization: Who determines what news What is "newsworthy?" Who frames the news and determines the perspectives articulated? Whose voice(s) are and are not represented? What are the potential political consequences of the silencing of alternative voices and perspectives?
  • Popular culture: The contemporary revolution in communication technology has had a dramatic impact in the arena of popular culture. Information technology enables a wide diversity of locally-based popular culture to develop and reach a larger audience. For example, "world music" has developed a major international audience. Old and new musical traditions that a few years ago were limited to a small local audience are now playing on the world stage.
On the other hand, globalization has increased transmission of popular culture easily and inexpensively from the developed countries of the North throughout the world. Consequently, despite efforts of nationally-based media to develop local television, movie, and video programs, many media markets in countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America are saturated with productions from the U.S., Europe and a few countries in Asia (especially Japan and India). Local critics of this trend lament not only the resulting silencing of domestic cultural expression, but also the hegemonic reach of Western, "alien" culture and the potential global homogenization of values and cultural taste.

Saturday, September 10, 2011

Globalisation is a double edged sword




(Dr. D. Subbarao is 22nd Governor of the Reserve Bank of India. He has earlier been Secretary to the Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council (2005-2007), lead economist in the World Bank (1999-2004), Finance Secretary to the Government of A.P. (1993-98) and Joint Secretary in the DoEA, Ministry of Finance (1988-1993).

As a career civil servant for 30 years, I have worked at the district level, the state level and the national level. I also worked at the World Bank, and now towards the end of my career it is a privilege to come to the Reserve Bank of India. I’ve also been fortunate to work for a long period in the area of public finance. The Reserve Bank is different from what I did before as a civil servant in terms of work content and accountability mechanisms. Work content is of course the quintessential central bank work which is a much narrower canvas than many of my assignments as a civil servant. The responsibility is of course much larger, and accountability as the Governor is at an individual level as opposed to accountability at an aggregate level in civil service jobs. In a typical ministry, a civil servant would be responsible to the minister and the ministry itself would be accountable to the government. As the Governor, I am responsible at an individual level and I am hoping that my experience in the real sector would be an advantage in my current position as Governor. India is concerned; our consumption at 57 per cent of GDP is relatively high for an economy of our per capita income level. So the important thing for India is to increase investment, especially in infrastructure, and not so much consumption. I admit that private consumption has to go up as indicator of poverty reduction, but what is more important is that investment increases. Several international fora are appropriate. There is the IMF, the BIS’s bimonthly meetings and the very effective G20. Important topics such as this must be discussed at all these fora. And I believe that they are likely to be discussed for much longer than we think before we reach an agreed view on a minimum acceptable programmer.

           Globalization is a double edged sword. Although it has often helped India, the impact on the real and financial sector is mainly due to globalisation. India is much more integrated today than ten years ago, at the time of the Asian financial crisis. There is a view that bank credit is decelerating. But non-food credit has expanded faster (23.9%) than the same period last year (22%). So this view is not all that correct, but one must not exaggerate this piece of information. However, there has been a reduction in non-bank resources to commercial sector. Urban consumption is likely to fall from here on, but rural consumption will hold up because there is no wealth effect here.

Born on August 11, 1949, Dr. Subbarao holds a B.Sc (Hons) in Physics from the Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur and M.Sc in Physics from the Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur. Dr. Subbarao also holds an MS degree in Economics from Ohio State University. He was a Humphrey fellow at MIT during 1982- 83. He has a Ph.D. in Economics with thesis on fiscal reforms at the sub-national level. Dr. Subbarao was a topper in the All India Civil Service examination for entry into Indian Administrative Services and Indian Foreign Services in 1972. He was one of the first IITians to join the civil service